Bengrina Affirms Support for President Tebboune’s Re-election: Key Points from El-Bina El Watani Leader’s Interview with Dzair Tube
✏️ BY: Dr. Hana Saada
Algiers, Algeria | July 1st, 2024 — In an episode of the “Presidential Dialogue” program, hosted by the online channel Dzair Tube, we had the privilege of speaking with Abdelkader Bengrina, the president of El-Bina El Watani. The discussion focused on the latest developments in Algeria’s political scene, particularly the upcoming presidential elections on September 7, 2024. The following article presents a detailed account of this interview, highlighting Bengrina’s rationale behind his party’s endorsement of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune for a second term.
Interviewer: Good evening, Mr. Abdelkader Bengrina. Thank you for joining us on Dzair Tube to discuss the pressing issues in the political arena, particularly the upcoming presidential elections.
Abdelkader Bengrina: Good evening to you and to all the viewers of Dzair Tube. It is a pleasure to be here to address your concerns and questions.
Interviewer: The primary question on everyone’s mind is why El-Bina El Watani has chosen to support President Abdelmadjid Tebboune for a second term. Could you elaborate on this decision?
Bengrina: In the name of Allah, and praise be to Him. Blessings and peace upon the Prophet Muhammed ‘Peace be upon him’. Thank you for this opportunity to clarify our position. For El-Bina El Watani, supporting President Tebboune is a natural choice. As a political party, we aim to avoid unnecessary risks and adventures. Our decision aligns with our status as part of the presidential majority and our shared visions and goals with the current administration. After consulting our party’s institutions, we decided to endorse Mr. Tebboune for the September 7 elections. His experience and achievements, particularly in building institutions and integrating various youth groups into the workforce, are commendable.
Interviewer: Can you specify the achievements that led your party to this endorsement?
Bengrina: Certainly. President Tebboune has made significant strides in multiple areas. He has successfully integrated many young people into the workforce, regularizing their employment status, and has addressed the needs of many teachers in temporary contracts across different educational levels. Additionally, Algeria’s return to regional and global prominence under his leadership is noteworthy. His social policies, including the unemployment grant, have also been pivotal.
Interviewer: Has El-Bina El Watani conducted an evaluation of President Tebboune’s current term?
Bengrina: Yes, we have. Our movement operates on the principle of “calling out the good and pointing out the bad.” Our evaluations are continuous, covering all ministerial sectors, administrative performances, and the directives of the President. This ongoing assessment is not limited to the election period. We constantly identify areas of improvement and highlight successful initiatives. Over this term, we have often criticized various ministerial sectors, and the President has responded by making necessary adjustments, including ministerial changes. We have also praised numerous courageous decisions and actions, particularly those aimed at alleviating the high cost of living, reducing inflation, integrating youth into the workforce, and increasing wages for the lowest and middle-income brackets.
Interviewer: How does El-Bina El Watani perceive the future under President Tebboune’s continued leadership?
Bengrina: We see a future of continued stability and development. President Tebboune’s leadership has brought about significant positive changes, and we believe that his re-election will further solidify Algeria’s progress. His vision for the country aligns with our party’s goals, and we are confident that his second term will bring more achievements and prosperity for the Algerian people.
Interviewer: Mr. Bengrina, many expected you to run for the presidency, given your previous candidacy. Why did you choose to support President Tebboune this time instead of running yourself?
Bengrina: “People expected me to run for presidency again, as I did previously. However, the current situation is different. The El Bina Movement faced two options: either field a candidate or support an existing one. The public is asking why I, Abdelkader Bengrina, did not run. The truth is, this decision wasn’t about me personally; it was about the institutions of the movement. I am just one part of this institution, and no individual, including the leader, can override its collective decision-making process.
We deliberated extensively and evaluated the differences between the previous and current elections. The last elections were about reclaiming the republic amidst a struggle between proponents of a transitional phase and advocates for a constitutional solution. We are now part of the presidential majority, which makes it natural for us to align with the sitting president. Had we disagreed with President Tebboune, we would have withdrawn from the majority.
Our decision to remain part of the presidential majority was made in collaboration with President Tebboune, and we continue to support this stance. When the interests of the Algerian nation are at stake, we prioritize them above all personal ambitions and partisan calculations. We are discussing a significant and important role that requires us to set aside all personal and party interests for the greater national good.
Our assessment of President Tebboune’s performance has been positive, particularly his efforts for the middle and lower classes, including wage increases and social grants. Algeria’s role in its regional sphere and support for the professionalization of the National People’s Army have also been commendable. There is now a noticeable harmony and cohesion among the state’s institutions, a stark contrast to the previous era marked by conflict and discord.
In the past, there was a lack of synergy between the country’s institutions, which often led to power struggles. Today, we see a coordinated and united front. Every movement of the President is accompanied by the Chief of Staff of the People’s National Army, symbolizing this unity. The relationship between the executive branch and parliament is also harmonious, unlike the previous environment of strife.
While we acknowledge there are still areas for improvement, such as raising the minimum wage from two million to four or five million dinars and reviewing social support policies, our overall evaluation remains positive. We continue to aspire for betterment and strive to address these challenges.”
I have six children, all of whom, by the grace of Allah, have made it to university. Not one of them has ever taken a university bus, stayed in a university dorm, or eaten a meal at the university, yet 13 to 14 million dinars are paid monthly for university fees. Who benefits from this? This is why we support rationalizing aid. It was clarified and incorporated into the finance law, which has been approved. The plan is to ensure that support reaches those who need it most.
The current policy extends support to everyone, including those earning up to 15 million dinars. It’s unreasonable for business people, ministers, or MPs to benefit from state subsidies. Likewise, it’s not logical for industrialists to use subsidized sugar to produce sweets or for manufacturers to use subsidized oil meant for citizens. Therefore, starting next year, subsidies for oil, sugar, university students, and flour should directly target those who need them.
For instance, a low-income family with four or five children in university could receive 5 to 6 million dinars per child. This means if a family has four children in university, they would get 25 million dinars. They could rent an apartment for 5 million and use the remaining 20 million to cover other expenses. This approach reflects a realistic solution to our economic and social issues.
There are shortcomings, especially in the investment sector. Unfortunately, some officials still view investors with suspicion, treating them as if they are corrupt or embezzling funds. This mindset needs to change. There are successful industrial and economic groups in Algeria, often unfairly seen as traitors. Thankfully, we are witnessing a shift towards a more positive outlook. However, we still face challenges. Foreign and local investors remain hesitant due to past wrongdoings, not from the highest authorities, but from lower-level mismanagement.
Investors still struggle to find industrial land for their projects. We continue to see monopolistic practices, despite anti-monopoly laws. Some create artificial shortages in the market without fear of divine or legal consequences. While there are negative aspects, we must acknowledge that even Europe faced challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic, narrowly avoiding collapse thanks to interventions by the European Central Bank.
Despite multiple crises, including falling oil prices and the pandemic, President Tebboune managed to navigate the country through these turbulent times. Our foreign exchange reserves have increased from $40 billion to $60 billion. Those predicting our need to turn to the IMF, risking our sovereignty, have been proven wrong. There are many positives to be proud of, alongside the negatives we must address together.”
Interviewer: We’ve discussed the positive aspects of President Tebboune’s administration, but let’s focus on the negative points you mentioned. If President Tebboune decides to run for a second term, will the Movement present its program to his campaign team?
Bengrina: Certainly, once President Tebboune announces his candidacy—based on our analysis, we expect this to happen after July 5th— El BinaMovement will be ready. We don’t deal in conjecture; our approach is analytical. In politics, we prepare the ground for effective action, rather than relying on hypothetical scenarios.
During our recent meeting with hundreds of national elites, we initiated a significant shift from spontaneous mass movements and support committees to a more structured approach. This initiative was not prompted by President Tebboune; it was our own proactive measure. We gathered experts and scholars from both within Algeria and abroad to draft a comprehensive program. This program is not just for the upcoming term but is a visionary plan for the next 10 to 15 years. It will be submitted to President Tebboune’s campaign team once it is formed.
We anticipate that the campaign will be led by an esteemed individual, someone with a deep understanding of the political landscape and a strong connection with the people. Based on our analysis, such a person will avoid the mistakes made in the previous campaign and steer clear of outdated approaches.
Interviewer: In your expectations and analysis, do you think the campaign will involve party participation this time?
Bengrina: The Movement has consistently advocated for the end of outdated methods, such as spontaneous demonstrations and support committees. We must move beyond mere flattery and sycophancy. President Tebboune himself does not endorse such practices, and neither do we.
Our movement is rooted in grassroots engagement and consultation. We are actively engaging with the Algerian people, visiting neighborhoods, and staying connected with the populace. Despite progress, there are still significant challenges, especially in major cities and marginalized areas. For instance, even in cities like Oran and Constantine, there are underserved communities. We need to identify these areas, understand their needs, and provide solutions.
Our focus is on understanding where jobs are needed, which segments of society require support, and how we can assist university students in securing internships and employment. We aim to bridge the gap between national expertise and the government, enabling intellectuals and professionals to contribute their ideas and skills.
Interviewer: How do you plan to support the Algerian diaspora and integrate their contributions into the national development framework?
Bengrina: The Algerian diaspora is a valuable resource. We need to ensure that when they return home, they find opportunities and housing. Encouraging them to invest in Algeria is crucial. For instance, we need to develop banking systems that attract remittances. It’s concerning that neighboring countries receive billions in remittances while we lag behind. We must foster a sense of belonging and encourage the diaspora to participate in national projects.
Many Algerians abroad are eager to contribute. They reach out with offers of medical supplies, expertise, and willingness to volunteer in underserved areas. For example, Algerian doctors working in prestigious international hospitals want to perform surgeries and provide medical care in Algeria for free. We need to create pathways for such altruistic initiatives.
Instead of competing among ourselves for leadership, our focus should be on collaboration. The Movement aims to harness the goodwill and resources of Algerians worldwide, integrating them into our national development strategy.
In summary, our movement is dedicated to supporting President Tebboune’s potential re-election with a robust, long-term program developed by national elites. We seek to address both the positives and negatives of the current administration by fostering collaboration, engaging with the populace, and leveraging the contributions of the Algerian diaspora.
Interviewer: Given your extensive planning and preparation, how will the El Bina Movement engage in the potential re-election campaign of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune? Will you take on a leadership role in his campaign team?
Abdelkader Bengrina: Let me be clear: if President Abdelmadjid Tebboune were to personally ask the El Bina Movement to lead his campaign, we would respectfully decline. Our focus is on directly engaging with the Algerian people. While we would certainly cooperate with the campaign if requested, our primary objective is grassroots involvement.
We have already developed our own comprehensive program. As part of the presidential majority, if President Tebboune asks for a representative from our movement to join his campaign team, we will provide one. However, we have specific criteria for the campaign manager. We need someone deeply connected with the political landscape and who understands the people’s needs.
Our main strategy involves visiting rural areas, towns, municipalities, and border regions across Algeria. We aim to understand their specific needs and bring these concerns directly to President Tebboune. There might be issues that some officials or ministers have misrepresented or ignored. As a political party, the National Construction Movement will investigate and report these issues truthfully.
Interviewer: Can you elaborate on how you plan to conduct this grassroots engagement and how it fits into your overall strategy?
Bengrina: The El Bina Movement is committed to a thorough, on-the-ground approach. We are not just a single entity; over ten political parties have joined us in support of President Tebboune, forming a significant presidential majority. We decided that our primary campaign activity will involve extensive grassroots mobilization and awareness efforts.
Our representatives, including municipal, regional, and parliamentary officials, are already familiar with the issues on the ground. We have traveled thousands of kilometers across Algeria, visiting both the northern and southern regions, as well as the east and west. Personally, I anticipate traveling an additional 15,000 to 20,000 kilometers during the campaign to directly engage with citizens, understand their challenges, and identify developmental needs.
Our mission is to gather accurate information and present it to President Tebboune. This includes providing actionable insights for government officials, administrators, and local leaders to address these issues effectively. Our goal is to ensure that every Algerian citizen can enjoy dignity, prosperity, and a higher quality of life.
Interviewer: How does your movement intend to translate these grassroots efforts into tangible outcomes for Algerians?
Bengrina: By focusing on direct engagement and comprehensive assessment, we aim to bridge the gap between the government’s policies and the people’s real needs. Our approach ensures that we gather first-hand information about the living conditions, economic challenges, and developmental needs of the Algerian populace.
For instance, we will identify areas that lack basic amenities, regions with high unemployment rates, and communities that need better educational and healthcare facilities. We will present these findings to President Tebboune, providing him with the necessary data to make informed decisions and direct resources where they are needed most.
Moreover, our approach fosters a sense of accountability and transparency. We want to ensure that government initiatives are genuinely benefiting the people and that any discrepancies or misrepresentations are addressed promptly. By doing so, we contribute to building a more responsive and responsible governance framework.
In summary, the Movement is dedicated to a campaign that prioritizes grassroots involvement, accurate reporting, and actionable solutions. We believe that this approach will not only support President Tebboune’s potential re-election but also contribute significantly to the well-being and prosperity of the Algerian people.
Interviewer: Initially, there was a presidential coalition composed of four parties: El Bina Movement, the National Liberation Front, the National Democratic Rally, and El Moustakbal Front. However, El Bina Movement later decided to freeze its membership in this coalition. Could you elaborate on the reasons behind this decision?
Bengrina: The concept of a coalition necessitates that various components converge based on shared objectives, principles, visions, and operational methods. It requires rotational leadership, official spokespersons, presidential roles, defined goals, and standardized practices. Unfortunately, such a structured framework was absent. We, in the Movement, characterized it as a flawed coalition. A genuine coalition entails a cohesive alignment on all these facets, which was not the case.
Initially aligned with the National Liberation Front, the National Democratic Rally, and El Moustakbal Front within a majority framework under the new constitutional perspective—the presidential majority, which counterbalances the parliamentary majority—led by a government opposed to the presidency, similar to what might occur in today’s French elections. We, in the Movement, have opted to form the presidential majority alongside our brothers in the RND Party, El Moustakbal Front, and the National Liberation Front, alongside several other parties.
We have witnessed a new dawn represented in parliament by figures such as our colleague Mohamed Tahar Benbaibèche, advocating for freedom and justice, and our brother Benziadi, advocating for dignity and the New Algeria, as well as around 10 to 15 others who have chosen to endorse Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s candidacy, thereby aligning with the presidential majority.
There is no rift between us and any entity. We have established coordination and initiated it with a group of brothers within the Movement. We have refrained from issuing any stance, statement, or negativity towards any component, nor have we claimed to freeze our position within any specific or general context. Our brothers in the National Liberation Front are our partners in struggle, in the presidential majority, and in forming a national belt that protects the state and its institutions. They are our partners in defending the fundamental principles of the Algerian nation and supporting liberation causes.
Therefore, what unites us with the National Liberation Front, the National Democratic Rally, El Moustakbal Front, and the other ten parties is far greater than what could divide us. Hence, in the Movement, our open door policy remains extended to everyone, as we continue to seek common ground to work together. We focus not on points of divergence but on points of convergence to strengthen our unity.
Interviewer: Could you clarify the recent media reports suggesting internal disagreements within the National Construction Movement?
Bengrina: I reaffirm that there are no conflicts and assure that the situation is as explained previously. Despite various perspectives within our organization, our primary focus remains on maintaining harmony and unity, particularly as we are required to participate effectively in the presidential majority. It is imperative for us to work in coherence, consensus, and to transcend any potential disagreements. The Movement has not issued any statement or declaration suggesting a freeze or disagreement with any other entity. Our organization operates openly, with an open headquarters and transparent relations, accommodating diverse views and overcoming challenges with a shared commitment to national interests. This approach ensures that no issues or disputes, including those related to the presidential coalition or what is known as the presidential majority, disrupt our collective objectives.
Interviewer: In light of the current socio-political context in Algeria, you have mentioned the National Solidarity Initiative, which you have named as “National Cohesion.” You have emphasized that this initiative does not exclude anyone, even those who might be perceived by the Algerian public as opponents. Could you elaborate on how you view these perceived opponents as partners in national interest?
Bengrina: Absolutely. Amidst the challenges facing our nation, we initiated the National Cohesion program to unite all Algerians without exclusion. We acknowledge that individuals perceived as opponents by the public are, in our view, national partners. Alongside our three coalition partners who voluntarily chose to form part of the presidential majority and have expressed unwavering support for the citizen candidate, Abdelmajid Tebboune, we believe it is imperative to synchronize our efforts.
In recent gatherings, we have brought together approximately 311 to nearly 400 national figures and intellectuals, many of whom endorsed Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s candidacy. Moreover, they have contributed extensive proposals—roughly 70 pages of programmatic suggestions—that we believe will empower the next Algerian president to elevate our nation to the ranks of advanced states. These figures are essential collaborators, engaging across various platforms from radio to television, and mobilizing in coastal and urban areas alike during this summer season.
Therefore, it is incumbent upon us, amidst external threats to our nation, to seek common ground, coordinate distributions, and foster mutual understanding among all parties. This necessitates dialogue among those aligning with Abdelmadjid Tebboune, those opposing him, supporters of elections, and critics alike. As Algerians, we must prioritize safeguarding our state, our people, our achievements, our security, and our stability.
Interviewer: Could you elaborate on the initiative named “Reconciliation” that was recently launched to prevent Algeria from becoming a fundo state, as mentioned yesterday?
Bengrina: Yesterday, I highlighted the launch of an initiative termed ‘Reconciliation’ in response to concerns about Algeria’s future trajectory. This initiative was spearheaded by the President of the Republic. Our own initiative, ‘National Cohesion,’ has successfully achieved its objectives and continues to resonate across various national platforms, encompassing elites, professional associations, unions, student bodies, clergy, journalists, scholars, and political parties. When the nation calls, we must stand united for its welfare and address citizen concerns impartially.
Our ongoing initiatives never cease; they commenced before the presidential elections and continue thereafter. We first executed the ‘Cohesion’ initiative pre-elections, followed by engagements with political parties. We engaged with athletes, followed by yesterday’s dialogue with national elites, and soon we will introduce another initiative with even greater impact, inviting all to participate earnestly.
I hope to organize an initiative with unemployed students, widows, orphans, the impoverished, and those struggling with addiction. These efforts align with the President’s commitment to soon employ doctoral graduates. In the upcoming fiscal legislation of 2025, I advocate for integrating feedback from scientists and those concerned about freedoms, ensuring their voices are heard. We bridge gaps among diverse segments that lack representation in governmental discussions, conveying their needs faithfully to the President and relevant authorities.
Regarding agriculture, Minister of Agriculture is a receptive and knowledgeable figure, responsive to farmers’ plight. We are currently addressing a pressing issue that risks the next agricultural season due to delayed decisions affecting livestock and cereal production. Farmers have prepared, procured seeds and fertilizers, and contracts with feed mills and dairies. The sudden directive to halt silage affects maize yields significantly, impacting grain production by 90%. I emphasize that Minister’s prompt review of this directive is crucial to safeguarding food security, particularly concerning wheat cultivation in the South.
In conclusion, we must avoid hasty decisions that jeopardize our agricultural future, as timely action is critical to mitigating impending crises.
Interviewer: Regarding the significant advancements in Algeria’s agriculture sector under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, particularly in achieving greater self-sufficiency and reducing import dependency, how do you plan to leverage this during the current electoral campaign to benefit Tebboune in this domain?
Bengrina: The recent strides in Algeria’s agriculture sector under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune mark a profound departure from past practices, notably reducing reliance on imports across various agricultural products. Historically, Algeria imported a substantial portion of its agricultural needs, but recent years, particularly the last three to four years, have witnessed a revitalization, especially in the Sahara region.
President Tebboune’s oversight of Saharan agriculture in states like Adrar and others underscores his firsthand experience with marginalized and underdeveloped areas. His administration has accumulated decades of administrative, industrial, and investment management experience, culminating in the lifting of freezes on numerous economic projects. This proactive stance has allowed us to approach self-sufficiency, particularly in staple crops, a goal nearly within reach this year.
However, recent directives affecting agriculture, notably those impacting the Ministry of Agriculture, risk undoing our progress. I commend the Minister for his receptivity and urge President Tebboune to reconsider these decisions. Farmers in regions like Ouargla, Biskra, Ghardaia, Tamanrasset, and In Salah are particularly affected. They rightfully question why this year’s wheat and barley harvests did not meet expectations due to administrative missteps.
Moving forward, if we rectify these errors promptly, we can achieve self-sufficiency next year, bolstered by the strategic foresight and policies advocated by President Tebboune and implemented by his ministers. Critically, this isn’t just about agriculture but also about industrial revitalization, lifting investment freezes, and ensuring transparency in governmental actions.
Our progress in agriculture is pivotal not only for economic stability but also for national security across various sectors. By continuing these reforms, Algeria can emerge as a self-sufficient nation, minimizing dependency on foreign currencies through agricultural exports, renewable energy, and water resources management.
Interviewer: President Tebboune emphasized the provision of agricultural electricity, particularly in the southern regions, which require electricity for land reclamation and agricultural conversion. Has agricultural electricity yielded results, both in the north and south?
Bengrina: As a farmer deeply involved in agriculture since 1982, I understand the pivotal role of electrification in enhancing agricultural productivity, whether in the north or the historically underserved south.
Historically, farmers engaging in land reclamation often faced financial hurdles, with minimal governmental support once land reclamation reached 85% completion or more. This changed recently with President Tebboune’s landmark decision to extend state support to lands under reclamation. This decision, recognizing the challenges faced by farmers, marks a courageous shift from previous administrations.
Unlike past practices where bureaucratic obstacles hindered agricultural progress, today’s initiatives such as those by the Saharan Agricultural Lands Agency exemplify a more streamlined approach. This agency now facilitates land allocation with accompanying permits for drilling, fertilizer use, seed procurement, and other essential agricultural processes. This unified approach significantly alleviates bureaucratic burdens previously borne by farmers, enabling them to focus more on productive agricultural practices.
Moreover, access to affordable credit through initiatives like the Companion Loan has further empowered farmers to expand their operations sustainably. This shift from reliance on personal financing to more accessible credit options has bolstered agricultural growth and resilience, particularly among small and medium-scale farmers.
Interviewer: Could you comment on the proliferation of administrative bodies within the agricultural sector, such as the Directorate of Agricultural Services, the Agricultural Council, and the Chamber of Agriculture? Farmers are required to obtain contracts from the Agricultural Council, obtain their identity cards from the Chamber of Agriculture, and submit their files to the Directorate of Agricultural Services to benefit from agricultural privileges, including agricultural electricity subsidies. Could you elaborate on the bureaucratic hurdles they face?
Bengrina: The issue of multiple administrative bodies in Algeria’s agricultural sector poses significant bureaucratic challenges for farmers. Each entity—whether it’s the Directorate of Agricultural Services, the Agricultural Council, or the Chamber of Agriculture—imposes its own set of procedures and requirements. For instance, a farmer needs approvals from various bodies to access essential services like agricultural electricity or well digging.
The process typically involves obtaining initial clearances from the Directorate of Agricultural Services, then navigating through regional water resource agencies and provincial committees before finally receiving the necessary permissions. This bureaucratic maze often results in prolonged delays and inefficiencies, where farmers are compelled to use diesel or other less efficient means due to delays in obtaining agricultural electricity.
Addressing these challenges requires a unified administrative framework that streamlines processes across all agricultural services. Despite efforts, bureaucratic inertia continues to hinder timely service delivery and optimal resource utilization in agriculture. Agricultural reforms aimed at simplifying administrative procedures and enhancing service accessibility are crucial to improving agricultural productivity and sustainability in Algeria.
Interviewer: Could you provide your assessment of the agricultural sector under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s administration? Has the sector made the necessary leaps forward, or does it still require further development? What are your observations regarding the decisions made by the Minister of Agriculture, and what improvements do you suggest for enhancing engagement with farmers across various regions, such as El M’Naïa, Adrar, and Timimoun, in discussing topics like maize, silage, and wheat?
Bengrina: The agricultural sector under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s leadership has shown significant progress, yet it remains in need of further development. There have been positive strides, particularly in economic aspects, investment opportunities, industrial growth, and advancements in healthcare, mirroring trends across various sectors. However, I urge ministers to refrain from unilateral administrative decisions and instead convene directly with stakeholders. This approach ensures that the agricultural chambers and directorates are actively involved in decision-making processes. They should directly engage with stakeholders, avoiding intermediaries, and utilize direct interaction to resolve issues such as wheat subsidies.
I advocate for a transparent approach where farmers are directly consulted and empowered to make decisions through farmer cooperatives. This strategy would empower local agricultural entities to manage their affairs effectively, enhancing accountability and responsiveness. Ultimately, by embracing these reforms, we can overcome current challenges, achieve self-sufficiency, and potentially export agricultural produce within one to two years across all sectors.
Interviewer: What is your view on Algeria’s contemporary diplomacy, particularly its evolution within the United Nations Security Council and other international bodies? Moreover, what factors have contributed to the resurgence of Algerian diplomacy, which is now widely regarded as influential? How crucial is economic diplomacy in bolstering national sovereignty and international influence, especially concerning Algeria’s interactions with international financial institutions like the IMF?
Bengrina: Algeria’s Contemporary diplomacy, especially within forums like the United Nations Security Council, has evolved significantly to encompass broader global challenges and interests. Algeria’s diplomatic resurgence can be attributed to several key factors, primarily rooted in a robust internal unity and cohesive national elite support for presidential decisions concerning foreign affairs. Effective diplomacy hinges not only on external maneuvers but also on a strong domestic front, ensuring national sovereignty and resilience against internal divisions and external pressures.
Economic diplomacy plays a pivotal role in this context, as it enables Algeria to forge strategic partnerships and navigate global economic landscapes effectively. Engagement with entities, such as the IMF underscores Algeria’s commitment to economic stability and sustainable development, essential for enhancing its international standing. By leveraging economic diplomacy, Algeria can mitigate external influences and assert its sovereign interests more assertively on the global stage.
Recent diplomatic achievements, such as Algeria’s election to the UN Security Council and its leadership roles in regional organizations like the African Union, underscore its proactive stance in shaping international agendas. These successes are guided by a strategic vision articulated by the President, aligning national interests with diplomatic initiatives aimed at fostering regional stability and advancing collective security in Africa and beyond.
In summary, Algeria’s diplomatic strategy integrates political, economic, and cultural dimensions to complement traditional statecraft, enhancing its global diplomatic footprint and reinforcing its role as a pivotal player in regional and international affairs.
Interviewer: How do you assess Algeria’s current diplomatic role, particularly in addressing the Zionist aggression and atrocities in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as its support for liberation movements in Africa? What are the comprehensive defensive, security, and diplomatic policies guiding Algeria’s strategic approach globally? Furthermore, how do Algeria’s principles, forged during the November Revolution, shape its steadfast support for liberation causes, particularly regarding Palestine and Western Sahara?
Bengrina: Algeria’s contemporary diplomatic role is pivotal, especially in confronting Zionist aggression in Gaza and the West Bank, and in championing liberation movements across Africa. This role is underpinned by a robust framework of defensive, security, and diplomatic policies that form Algeria’s strategic blueprint on the global stage.
Defensively and diplomatically, Algeria prioritizes principles rooted in its revolutionary history, which resonate deeply with its steadfast support for liberation struggles. These principles are not merely rhetorical but reflect a tangible commitment, demonstrated through concrete actions such as providing humanitarian aid, including field hospitals dispatched to Gaza amid conflict.
Algeria’s diplomatic stance is intricately linked to its national ethos, where solidarity with oppressed peoples and nations under occupation remains a cornerstone of its foreign policy. This solidarity extends beyond rhetoric to active engagement, as seen in Algeria’s consistent advocacy within international forums and its rejection of normalization with the Zionist entity.
The strategic alignment of Algeria’s foreign policy with liberation causes is both a historical legacy and a contemporary imperative, ensuring that Algerian diplomacy serves as a bulwark against injustice and colonialism. This principled approach is articulated not only by the government but also resonates across Algerian society, encompassing political leaders, the military, and the populace at large.
In essence, Algeria’s diplomatic resilience and moral clarity in supporting Palestine and Western Sahara reflect a broader commitment to international justice and the right to self-determination. This steadfastness is a testament to Algeria’s unwavering adherence to its revolutionary principles and its role as a stalwart defender of oppressed peoples globally.
Interviewer: What is your perspective on the complicity of those who identify as Arabs and Muslims in not only betraying but conspiring against the Palestinian cause by supporting the Zionist entity?
Bengrina: Algeria expresses profound concern and disapproval regarding recent developments where some Arab and Muslim entities have not only refrained from supporting but actively collaborated against the Palestinian cause, thereby advancing Zionist interests. Specifically noted is the recent incident where the Spanish government recognized the State of Palestine and, in solidarity with South Africa, denied a Zionist ship access to refuel. However, disappointment arose when the same ship found docking privileges in an Arab nation.
We extend gratitude to various factions within Morocco that oppose normalization policies and condemn actions perceived as betraying the Palestinian cause. Prime Minister Netanyahu’s recent statement, disavowing the existence of a Palestinian state and suggesting Jordan as an alternative homeland, underscores the challenges faced.
Algeria’s response to these developments reflects a longstanding commitment rooted in historical solidarity with Palestine. This commitment is evidenced through consistent diplomatic support and practical aid, such as the dispatch of field hospitals during critical Gaza crises. This stance is not merely governmental but resonates throughout Algerian society, uniting political leaders, civil society, and the military in steadfast defense of Palestinian rights and sovereignty.
Interviewer: In light of recent events, particularly the thwarted military coup attempt in Bolivia against the President, which was influenced by his support for the Palestinian cause and severance of relations with the Zionist entity, do you foresee similar attempts in other countries that support the Palestinian cause?
Bengrina: The recent normalization agreements and strategic maneuvers, exemplified by the Abraham Accords, signify a deliberate effort to integrate the Zionist entity into the Arab regional framework under the guise of bolstering collective Arab national security against perceived threats. These agreements, which have historical antecedents in initiatives like the Camp David Accords and the Wadi Araba treaty, along with Morocco’s normalization of relations and its role in overseeing various Arab-Zionist agreements, stand in stark contrast to states traditionally aligned with Algeria, known for their steadfast resistance against Zionist aggression. This realignment seeks to undermine Algerian sovereignty and pressures countries to compromise on longstanding principles supporting the Sahrawi people and the Palestinian cause. The overarching goal is to establish the Zionist entity as a regional leader and normalize its presence within the Arab system, with dissenting countries labeled as outliers.
However, recent events, notably the Al-Aqsa Indulge or Flood, have exposed the limitations of these maneuvers, sparking widespread Arab and global solidarity with the Palestinian cause and resistance. This pivotal moment has at least temporarily halted the progression of this perilous project. Should the Palestinian resistance achieve significant victories, it could potentially dismantle this initiative and pave the way for preliminary steps towards establishing an independent Palestinian state, with Jerusalem (El Quds) as its capital.
Interviewer: How effectively has the Algerian People’s National Army transitioned to professionalism, as evidenced by unanimous acknowledgment? Beyond defense and protection, it has transformed into a productive force. In the recent exhibition, we witnessed SNVI Sonacom Trucks; how have these contributed to Algeria’s industrial pride? Furthermore, we observed military-produced vehicles, weaponry, and drones. What is your perspective on this swift and professional transformation? Additionally, how do you assess the army’s investment in human capital, particularly in fields such as engineering—mechanical, civil, and engine manufacturing?
Bengrina: The Algerian People’s National Army has recently undergone a significant professional transformation, widely acknowledged and supported across the board. This transition marks a shift beyond mere defense and protection to actively contributing to national production. In a recent exhibition, notable advancements were showcased, including SNVI Sonacom trucks, emblematic of Algerian industrial pride, alongside military vehicles and weaponry, including drones. This move signifies a strategic pivot towards enhancing human capital, investing notably in fields, such as mechanical engineering, civil engineering, and engine manufacturing.
The Algerian People’s National Army has strategically leveraged its capabilities not only to bolster its defensive capabilities but also to contribute significantly to national industrial development. This shift underscores a broader commitment to enhancing national self-sufficiency and security across multiple domains—food, energy, water, and cybersecurity—essential for safeguarding Algeria’s sovereignty. This approach emphasizes that the strength of the army lies not only in its technological advancements and professionalization but crucially in its integration with and support from the Algerian populace. This cohesion was notably evident during periods of national unrest, where the army’s unity and alignment with the people prevented escalations, highlighting its role as a defender rather than an expansionist force.
Also, we must address national security comprehensively across various sectors: food, energy, water, cyber, and defense. The strength of our army alone cannot ensure the preservation of our martyrs’ sacrifices unless we achieve food security. The significance of a lentil seed or a chickpea seed can be akin to that of a Kalashnikov bullet. Without ensuring our food, energy, water, and cyber security, our defense capability remains ineffectual. Our army is primarily defensive, unlike expansionist armies elsewhere.
In the event of war or a siege affecting our food supply, our army may struggle to fulfill its constitutional and legal roles. Therefore, our national security pillars—agriculture for food security, energy ministry for energy security, defense ministry for national defense, and communications ministry for cyber security—must function integrally to safeguard sovereignty. We are vigilant against provocations, whether from within or outside our borders, as our strong and cohesive army aims to deter aggression, echoing the words of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) about being a deterrent.
Interviewer: Do you anticipate the formation of a political government following the presidential elections?
Bengrina: The parliamentary majority has aligned itself with the presidential majority, and we are confident in our prospects for the upcoming elections. Within the El Bina Movement, we project that our candidate, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, stands to secure a significant majority—potentially exceeding 80% to 90% of the vote.
Based on our evaluation, we haven’t identified any substantial challengers thus far. We are prepared for debates and maintain a strong belief in our position. The guiding principle of the presidential majority is that the president holds the authority to appoint government officials, irrespective of support from political parties.
Regarding the formation of the government, the philosophy of the presidential majority dictates that the president appoints officials to government positions, not the political parties that support or nominate him. Thus, the decision rests solely with the president, who may leverage existing strengths within the national arena but remains unaffected by internal dynamics within the political sphere.
Interviewer: Will we witness early local elections, considering the previous administration’s efforts to revise regional laws, municipalities, and provinces?
Bengrina: If the Minister of the Interior, a respected figure well-versed in administrative landscapes, has developed a plan for regional division, the President may indeed call for early local and provincial elections. This decision would be informed by administrative readiness and could extend to parliamentary elections as well. Our preparations are contingent upon completing these administrative changes.
Interviewer: What are your thoughts on the current electoral law, and what changes do you advocate for?
Bengrina : Like any law, the electoral law has its shortcomings. We have identified several areas that require reform, and we intend to present these recommendations to the President. Our proposals aim to enhance representation, particularly for youth and women, even if achieving perfect parity may not be immediately feasible.
Specifically, we propose two types of elections: one based on proportional representation with preferential voting options for youth and women, and another employing a national list specifically for young candidates. Additionally, we advocate for measures ensuring that election officials do not originate from the same region as the electorate, thus mitigating potential conflicts of interest. These reforms are designed to foster greater inclusivity and fairness within our electoral processes.
Interviewer: In terms of the campaign schedule, do you believe any changes are necessary?
Bengrina: The campaign should ideally commence in mid-August. We have strategically positioned ourselves and are prepared to initiate activities from pivotal locations. The timing ultimately hinges on the President’s decision, and we stand ready to commence wherever necessary.
Interviewer: Can you encapsulate President Abdelmadjid Tebboune in a single sentence?
Bengrina: Tebboune embodies a man deeply rooted in the people’s struggles, exhibiting empathy and drawing on extensive experience, rising from a civil servant to the Presidency. Despite navigating challenging decisions, he adeptly balances his statesman role with a profound compassion for the people.
Interviewer: As we approach the elections on September 7, 2024, what message would you like to convey to the Algerian populace?
Bengrina: My message to Algerians is one of unity and love. Let us refrain from verbal aggression, as it can escalate to physical conflict. Let us extend our support to the underprivileged, assist the unemployed, and collaborate for our nation’s welfare. By strengthening our bonds, celebrating our commonalities, and addressing differences constructively, we safeguard our security, stability, and national unity.
About Dzair Tube Media Group
Dzair Tube has firmly established itself as a prominent player among Algerian digital news sites, offering a diverse and enriching content experience. The platform, available in Arabic, French, and English editions, captures the attention of a wide-ranging audience, amassing over half a million daily clicks.
A testament to its commitment to excellence, Dzair Tube received the prestigious President of the Republic’s Award for Professional Journalist in the Electronic Press category on October 22, 2022. This recognition underscores the platform’s unwavering dedication to upholding the highest standards of journalism.
With a significant online presence, Dzair Tube boasts 350,000 subscribers on YouTube, over five million followers on various Facebook pages, and 450,000 subscribers on Instagram. Its digital channel has become a hub for diverse programming, covering news, sports, entertainment, culture, and religion, catering to a broad spectrum of audience preferences.
Equipped with state-of-the-art studios and advanced technology, Dzair Tube’s digital channel has garnered substantial viewership for its varied programs. Hosting interactive discussions with influential figures across different domains, the platform actively fosters public discourse and engagement. Beyond news coverage, Dzair Tube extends its commitment to the production of marketing documentaries, short TV commercials, and high-viewership programs.
The success of the print edition of Dzair Tube’s sports newspaper, “Dzair Sport,” further highlights the platform’s impact, with over 50,000 daily downloads from the official Dzair Tube website.
Honored with the Media Leadership Award from the Minister of Communication, Mohamed Laâgab, Dzair Tube continues to shape the landscape of Algerian digital news, maintaining a position of influence and impact in the media industry.
