BY: Dr. Hana Saada
Algiers, Algeria | February 13th, 2025 — For over six decades, the scars of France’s nuclear testing in Algeria have remained a haunting testament to colonial brutality. Maître Fatima Zohra Benbraham, a prominent lawyer and researcher in law and history, has waged an unwavering legal battle to force France to acknowledge its responsibility for the devastating nuclear explosions carried out in the Algerian Sahara. As the daughter of a chahid, she has relentlessly pursued justice at international courts, exposing a crime against humanity. In this exclusive interview with L’ Expression.dz, she unveils the depth of France’s denial, the ongoing suffering of victims, and her unyielding demand for action.
Q: More than sixty years after the first French nuclear explosions in Algeria, has there been any progress in recognizing these crimes?
Maître Fatima Zohra Benbraham: Unfortunately, we are still at an impasse. France not only refuses to acknowledge the full extent of the catastrophic damage inflicted on Algeria, but it also continues to withhold critical information. To this day, the precise maps detailing the burial sites of nuclear waste remain classified. These documents are essential to any meaningful effort to decontaminate the land, safeguard the environment, and protect public health. Despite the overwhelming evidence, France has adamantly refused to finance decontamination projects, restore affected areas, or even compensate the victims. This stubborn denial is not just an insult to Algerians—it is also an affront to the French veterans who were unknowingly exposed to lethal radiation.
Q: You have characterized these actions as crimes against humanity. What is the legal basis for this classification?
Under international law, particularly after the adoption of the Rome Statute in 1998, crimes against humanity include inhumane acts such as forced experimentation on human beings. Before this, there was no legal framework to hold France accountable. What happened in Algeria was not just a series of so-called “tests” — it was the deliberate use of human beings as experimental subjects. Entire populations lived in these areas long before the first nuclear detonation on February 13, 1960, in Reggane. Thousands of Algerians were unknowingly subjected to lethal radiation, some even used as test subjects to study the effects of nuclear exposure. These individuals were effectively held hostage by radioactive contamination, in a blatant and horrific violation of human rights. Crimes of this magnitude are legally classified as crimes against humanity, and they are imprescriptible.
Q: Given that much of this information was classified, how did you uncover the full extent of these crimes?
I began rigorously investigating this issue in 2001, but at first, I encountered a wall of silence. Every relevant document was shrouded under military secrecy—not just in Algeria, but in France as well. Even the French soldiers who suffered the consequences were denied access to the truth. It was only in 2005 that the first cracks in this cover-up began to appear, thanks to the testimonies of French and Polynesian veterans who courageously came forward. Their revelations provided us with invaluable evidence. The real breakthrough came when, in 2005, President Nicolas Sarkozy partially lifted the secrecy on certain nuclear test records. This access allowed me to present concrete evidence at a 2014 symposium in France, where I successfully argued that Algeria was the victim of nuclear bombings, not mere “experiments.” Just days later, then-French President François Hollande publicly admitted, for the first time, that what had happened in Algeria were not simply tests but full-scale nuclear explosions. This was a critical political milestone, but words alone are not enough.
Q: You insist on distinguishing between “tests” and “explosions.” Why is this distinction so important?
The term “tests” has been deliberately used by France to downplay the scale of its nuclear operations in Algeria. The reality is that these were full-fledged nuclear detonations. In Reggane and In Ekker, the bombs were up to seven times more powerful than the one dropped on Hiroshima. The consequences were apocalyptic: thousands of people were directly exposed to radiation, leading to an ongoing health catastrophe that includes cancer, congenital disabilities, and ecological devastation. Decades later, the soil, air, and groundwater remain contaminated, perpetuating this silent massacre. This was not an “experiment” — it was a calculated act of destruction.
Q: You have had access to declassified French documents. What were the most shocking revelations?
It is nothing less than a state-sponsored lie. In 1957, French representative Jules Moch falsely claimed that the nuclear tests would take place in an uninhabited desert with no human or animal life. But classified French military reports, declassified in 2005, revealed the truth: 40,000 Algerians were living in the region. Additionally, merchant caravans, with up to 150 people per convoy, frequently passed through the area, unknowingly carrying radioactive contamination to other parts of Africa. This isn’t just an Algerian tragedy—it’s a regional crime with consequences stretching across the continent.
Q: What is your ultimate demand from France?
France must go beyond empty rhetoric and take concrete action. First, it must fully declassify all documents related to its nuclear tests in Algeria. Second, it must provide precise maps identifying nuclear waste burial sites to enable decontamination efforts. Third, it must establish and finance an environmental rehabilitation plan, alongside full compensation for the victims and their descendants. Anything less would be a continuation of the colonial injustice that began in 1960. France cannot erase its past, but it has a moral and legal obligation to address its crimes. Silence and inaction are no longer acceptable.
Q: Have Algerian victims received any compensation?
Since 2010, fewer than 70 Algerian cases have been accepted for submission to CIVEN, the French Committee for the Compensation of Nuclear Test Victims. To date, only one Algerian victim has been officially recognized—and even then, he was employed by France at the time of exposure. Moreover, the Morin Law, which was ostensibly designed to compensate nuclear test victims, effectively excludes Algerians and limits its coverage to a mere 60-kilometer radius. France continues to downplay the true extent of the devastation caused by its nuclear detonations and refuses to provide any form of redress for the affected populations. No comprehensive soil analysis has ever been conducted on-site, and the few independent studies that have emerged have been systematically dismissed by French authorities. Officially, France claims that radioactive contamination was restricted to a 30-kilometer radius, yet scientific evidence has proven that radiation spread across distances of up to 5,000 kilometers.
Q: Has France at least acknowledged the effects of radiation on its own citizens—the military personnel and scientists deployed in Algeria?
Only in the most limited and reluctant manner. France has officially recognized between 13 and 16 radiation-induced illnesses, while the United States, in the aftermath of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, acknowledges 47 such conditions. Even French veterans had to wage a prolonged legal battle to have their suffering acknowledged. Many developed thyroid, skin, and lung cancers without realizing they had been exposed to lethal radiation. It was only through the relentless efforts of veteran associations that the veil of secrecy began to lift. Yet, even when confronted with irrefutable evidence, France continues to minimize the consequences—failing its own people as much as it has failed Algeria.
Q: Has there been any cooperation between Algerian and French victims in this fight?
Absolutely. Between 2001 and 2005, we forged strong ties with French and Polynesian veterans who had also suffered from France’s nuclear experiments. These alliances were instrumental in gathering evidence and forcing France into a corner. I personally collaborated with Maître Jean-Paul Teissonnière, a French lawyer who represents nuclear veterans. This solidarity between victims brought the issue to the international stage. However, the struggle is far from over. In 2008, Nicolas Sarkozy introduced a law classifying key documents as non-communicable, once again sealing the truth behind layers of state secrecy.
Q: What are the next objectives in your legal battle?
Our fight remains relentless. We demand full recognition of France’s responsibility—not only in Algeria but also in Polynesia. The complete declassification of all military and governmental documents related to nuclear explosions is imperative. Additionally, France must provide financial compensation to all victims, whether Algerian, French, or Polynesian. But compensation alone is not enough. We insist that France funds large-scale decontamination projects and medical programs for those suffering from radiation-related illnesses. This is a long and arduous struggle, but we will not back down.
Q: The United States has developed methods to clean up nuclear waste. Why does France continue to refuse to do the same in Algeria?
Both the United States and the United Kingdom have devised methods to manage nuclear waste from their experiments, but these solutions remain temporary. The long-term effects of such measures remain uncertain. Their approach involved scraping away the contaminated surface layers of nuclear test sites and sealing the radioactive debris in massive metal containers, which were then sunk into deep-sea trenches. However, Algeria is not asking France for a mere stopgap measure. France must take full accountability by funding new scientific studies and implementing concrete measures to cleanse its radioactive legacy. The poison it left behind continues to afflict Algerians, and justice demands more than silence and neglect—it demands action.
Q: Can Algeria Turn to the IAEA to Compel France to Take Responsibility?
Algeria, in coordination with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), has repeatedly sought to conduct independent studies to assess the full extent of the devastation caused by French nuclear explosions on its soil. Each time, France has actively obstructed these efforts. At least four attempts to initiate such investigations have been blocked, with the IAEA showing little resolve to challenge France’s refusal. This lack of action has effectively shielded France from scrutiny, leaving Algeria to single-handedly confront one of the most significant and unresolved disputes between the two nations. While there have been some recent developments, the road to full recognition and genuine reparations remains long, arduous, and uncertain.
Q: What should France’s first step be?
Today, numerous researchers, scientists, and human rights advocates are demanding justice—whether in the form of reparations or, at the very least, a large-scale decontamination of the Algerian Sahara. This demand has been echoed at the highest levels of the Algerian state, particularly by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune. The time for denial and evasion is over—France must assume its responsibilities.
As I have stated before, Algeria insists that France disclose the precise locations where it buried nuclear waste. These radioactive remnants continue to wreak havoc on the local population, with devastating health consequences, including birth defects, aggressive cancers, and a wide range of radiation-induced illnesses. This is not a tragedy confined to the past—it is an ongoing catastrophe spanning generations. Radiation does not simply vanish; it persists across time, condemning entire regions to an invisible yet lethal contamination.
So once again, I say to France: “Come and repair your crimes!”
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