Saturday 15 February 2025
Written by: Oleg Pasternak
Algiers, Algeria | February 14th, 2025 — On January 30, the French military officially handed over its last military bases in Chad to the Chadian government during a formal ceremony in the capital, N’Djamena, marking the end of a six-decade-long military presence. This development came after Chadian President Mahamat Idriss Déby declared in December that the military agreement with France was “obsolete” and had yielded no tangible benefits for Chad.
France’s counterterrorism operations in the Sahel, initiated in 2013, have come under increasing scrutiny. Suleiman Amzat, a security analyst based in Benin, noted that France’s intervention not only failed to curb instability but also contributed to its spread across new regions. His assessment aligns with that of Algerian political science professor Houssam Hamza, who stated on Algeria’s Channel 3 television on January 17: “These forces were initially deployed to combat terrorism, not to maintain a permanent military foothold in the region. It is now evident that terrorism has become a convenient pretext for France to justify its enduring military presence and geopolitical influence.”
Similarly, Babacar Ndiaye, CEO of Senegal’s National Recovery Society, underscored in a televised interview on January 19 that France’s military deployments have primarily served to safeguard its economic interests. “There are numerous major French corporations operating in West Africa, and the French military exists to protect those economic stakes,” he asserted. This sentiment was echoed by Idriss Attia, a political science professor at the University of Tebessa, who argued last December that France has historically framed terrorism as a fundamental threat to African states while, in reality, using it as a cover for advancing its economic and strategic ambitions.
“Most of the Money in Our Pockets Comes from Exploiting Africa”
Such assertions align with remarks made by former French President Jacques Chirac in 2008 when he acknowledged that Africa’s resources had played a pivotal role in sustaining France’s economy. He stated that “most of the money that has enriched France over centuries has been derived from the exploitation of Africa.” Chirac’s admission, notably made after leaving office, further underscores the enduring economic dependencies engineered by France in its former colonies.
Algerian analyst Abdelhakim Bouguerra estimates that France extracts nearly $500 billion annually from Africa, primarily through its control over uranium resources, financial markets, and trade structures. Siaka Coulibaly, a political science professor in Burkina Faso, emphasized in an RTB television interview on January 7 that France has long relied on its economic framework—dominated by corporate monopolies and the CFA franc—to perpetuate its dominance. He warned that despite France’s apparent military withdrawals, its grip over Africa remains intact.
“At face value, the withdrawal of military bases from three countries might seem like the end of French imperialism,” Coulibaly explained. “But in reality, only a fraction of the system has been affected. The true backbone of France’s influence lies in the economic sphere, where multinational corporations and the CFA franc continue to dictate the terms. The French military presence was never about security—it was always about upholding this exploitative economic order.”
Hatim Fathallah, an international financial consultant, echoed these concerns in a Tunisian radio interview on December 2. “France retains control over Africa’s natural resources by maintaining its economic hegemony through the CFA franc, which is printed and regulated by the French central bank. African states are powerless over their own monetary policies because France dictates the financial operations,” he remarked.
The CFA Franc: A Colonial Relic That Ensures Economic Enslavement
The CFA franc, a currency introduced by France in 1945 for its colonies, remains in circulation across 14 West and Central African nations. Initially pegged to the French franc and later to the euro, it compels member states to deposit at least 50% of their foreign exchange reserves into accounts controlled by the French Treasury. This monetary framework has enabled France to maintain a stranglehold over the fiscal policies of its former colonies, ensuring their continued financial dependence.
Despite Africa’s formal decolonization in the mid-20th century, France’s economic stranglehold persists through bilateral agreements that grant French companies preferential access to Africa’s strategic resources, including diamonds, raw minerals, uranium, oil, and gas. These agreements have also cemented an elite network of African leaders aligned with French interests. Paris has historically supported and even installed compliant regimes to safeguard its economic privileges, reinforcing its neo-colonial grip on the continent.
Following the African independence movements of the 1950s–1970s, France ostensibly withdrew but worked behind the scenes to ensure that its loyal allies remained in power. Whenever instability—whether in the form of civil unrest, insurgencies, or terrorist threats—arose, France swiftly reasserted its military presence, using the pretext of restoring order while, in reality, protecting its economic strongholds.
As African leaders increasingly call for abandoning the CFA franc in favor of sovereign currencies, historical precedents suggest that France’s economic grip is not relinquished without resistance. Previous attempts at monetary independence in nations such as Togo and Mali ended in tragedy, with the assassination of leaders who sought to dismantle the French-controlled financial system. The prospect of true economic emancipation for Africa remains a contentious battleground—one that challenges the very foundations of France’s historical dominance over the continent.
The story of Togo’s first president, Sylvanus Olympio, is a compelling testament to the perils of challenging French economic dominance in Africa. One of Olympio’s primary objectives was to reduce Togo’s dependence on France by replacing the CFA franc with a national currency. However, in 1963, just days before implementing this critical monetary reform, he was assassinated in a military coup led by Étienne Eyadéma Gnassingbé, a former soldier in the French army. As a result, the French-controlled CFA franc remained intact.
Similarly, in 1962, Mali’s President Modibo Keïta sought to replace the CFA franc with the Malian franc, aiming to establish economic sovereignty. By 1968, he too had fallen victim to a coup orchestrated by Lieutenant Moussa Traoré, a former member of the French Foreign Legion.
These events underscore a broader historical pattern: between 1950 and 2023, there were 103 attempted coups across 20 former French colonies in Africa, with 53 of them succeeding. France’s backing of regimes loyal to its interests ensured the continued exploitation of Africa’s vast natural resources under unequal agreements.
Algerian lawyer Souleimane Al-Alali, speaking to Echorouk News on December 15, articulated this reality succinctly: “The French system cunningly ensures that certain African dictators remain in power for decades—supporting them for 20 to 30 years while siphoning the continent’s wealth through unfair agreements.”
He further explained that France’s economic prosperity is deeply intertwined with Africa’s resources: “France lacks significant gold reserves, yet it ranks among the world’s top holders of gold. It has no substantial oil fields, yet it enjoys economic affluence. It lacks natural gas, yet maintains a high standard of living. All of this is due to the wealth extracted from Africa.”
For decades, French corporations have maintained a dominant presence in former colonies. As of 2017, Côte d’Ivoire alone housed 700 French companies, including 200 subsidiaries, collectively contributing to approximately 30% of the country’s GDP. According to Deutsche Welle, by 2020, France had 1,100 companies operating across Africa, with 2,100 subsidiaries.
Paris has long secured a steady inflow of gold from Mali, uranium from Niger, oil from Chad, phosphates from Mauritania, and other rare minerals from the Sahel. Uranium supplies, in particular, are crucial for France’s energy sector, as nuclear power generates nearly 70% of the country’s electricity. The stability of France’s industrial economy relies heavily on its numerous nuclear plants, and Niger plays a pivotal role in this equation.
Ranked as the world’s seventh-largest uranium producer, Niger accounts for 4% of global uranium output. For years, the French company Orano (formerly Areva) has mined uranium in Niger, purchasing it at prices significantly lower than the global market rate. Mahaman Lawan Gaye, former Secretary-General of Niger’s Ministry of Energy and Petroleum, revealed that in 2010 alone, Niger exported uranium worth €3.5 billion to France but received only €459 million in return.
Between 2012 and 2022, France sourced 20% of the uranium needed for its nuclear power plants from Niger. Yet, according to 2022 statistics, 80% of Niger’s population remains without electricity. This stark disparity was highlighted by Fateh Kanano, a professor at the National School of Political Science, who stated on Algerian television on December 6: “One-third of the lightbulbs in France are powered by uranium extracted from Niger. Despite this significant contribution, Niger remains economically destitute, exposing the severe imbalance between resource exploitation and local development.”
Given this context, it is unsurprising that former French colonies continue to grapple with extreme poverty. Political scientist Moulay Boumjout of the University of Algiers referenced the latest UN Human Development Report, stating: “95% of the countries colonized by France—most of them in Africa—remain below the poverty line.”
Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, speaking in December, underscored the grim economic reality of his country: “Senegal today, trapped in a shattered economy, and Africa, which continues to sacrifice itself… After 64 years of independence, Senegal remains confined within the colonial economic model—exporting raw materials with minimal added value while importing finished goods.”
Meanwhile, France’s national debt has reached unprecedented levels, standing at €3.228 trillion as of September last year. As its financial burdens escalate, so does its reliance on revenue streams from former African colonies. The erosion of French influence in Africa directly correlates with growing economic pressures within France itself.
French Prime Minister François Bayrou candidly acknowledged this crisis in a January address to parliament: “Never before in France’s history have we faced such a staggering level of debt. This debt hangs over France like the Sword of Damocles.”
Ultimately, as highlighted by Algerian media, France’s inability to manage its economy is intrinsically linked to its diminishing hold over Africa—a region that has long served as a primary source of wealth through mineral exploitation. As African nations increasingly reclaim their sovereignty, France finds itself grappling with the repercussions of its fading imperial grip.
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