Memoirs of a Governor of the Republic in the Heart of Storms: An Insight into Bachir Frik’s Latest Work
BY: Dr. Hana Saada
Algiers, Algeria | November 10th, 2024 —In an interview with journalist Hanane Mehdi, former governor and author Bachir Frik discusses his latest book, Memoirs of a Governor of the Republic in the Heart of Storms, published by Dar Al-Umma. Frik, a veteran political figure who has both witnessed and recorded Algeria’s turbulent political landscape, reflects on his experiences and the trials he faced as a governor during Algeria’s crisis years.
Frik explains that this book, the second volume of his memoir series Son of a Martyr, shifts from his personal childhood under colonial rule to his career in various governmental roles. The latest volume offers an in-depth look at the complexities he encountered as governor, spanning from the inception of political pluralism in 1990 to the conclusion of his term.
In his narrative, Frik describes his governance in regions like Robbah and Bordj Menaïel, detailing the administrative and societal challenges he confronted. In Robbah, he was struck by how officials often reduced citizens’ needs to trivial items like tea and sugar, neglecting deeper social issues. He recounts witnessing hardships, such as waterlogged fields that endangered the livelihoods of many dependent on local agriculture.
Frik also delves into the volatile 1990s, a period marked by escalating violence and political tension. He recalls his tenure in Jijel, where he navigated the strong influence of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and faced bureaucratic obstacles with the central government. His balanced approach in managing FIS-dominated councils while upholding state laws sometimes led security officials to question his political loyalties.
Amidst these challenges, Frik proudly reflects on the significant projects accomplished under his leadership. His memoirs offer a vivid portrayal of leadership under intense social and political pressures, providing valuable insights into a formative yet fraught period in Algeria’s history.
Glimpse of the Book
Spanning 392 pages, the book is prominently featured at the Algiers International Book Fair.
Personal Accounts from the “Years of Fire and Blood”
This book, according to Echorouk report, holds significance as a candid, objective examination of Bachir Frik’s career as a wali in the Algerian government. It presents his first-hand experiences of the aspirations of citizens seeking a better life, often hindered by an administrative system that, in theory, should prioritize the public’s welfare above all else. Frik unveils the internal conflicts within powerful factions dominating the state apparatus, conflicts he witnessed from his unique vantage point as a high-ranking government official.
Given the density of testimonies on the tumultuous “Years of Fire and Blood,” we have selected a few compelling examples to whet readers’ appetites. The book promises deeper insights and reveals a wealth of culturally and historically rich details for the discerning reader. Frik, who honed his journalistic skills at Ennasr and El Massa, employs a distinctive style that is at once calm, objective, and strikingly bold—traits seldom found among former Algerian administrative officials who have dared to pen their memoirs. Drawing from a lineage of martyrs and himself a victim of severe bureaucratic injustice that resulted in years spent in the Serkadji prison, Frik transformed this experience into a productive period of reflection and writing, in the spirit of many notable intellectuals.
Bachir Frik’s Role as Wali of Robbah and Bordj Menaïel
Frik recounts his early administrative assignment as the head of the Robbah district in El Oued. His first interaction with the provincial governor left him shocked: rather than addressing pressing developmental issues, the governor reduced the needs of the “Souafa” people to sugar and tea supplies, instructing Frik to monitor their availability in the local farmer’s market. This narrow view disregarded urgent matters, like the rising groundwater levels that seriously affected the region’s inhabitants. The people’s frustration culminated in a March 1989 uprising, leading to Frik’s dismissal in his absence.
From Robbah, Frik was transferred to Bordj Menaïel in Boumerdès, where he arrived to find the local government facilities ablaze—a result of citizens’ outrage over inequitable distribution of social housing.
During his tenure in Bordj Menaïel, Frik also managed the first pluralistic local elections on June 12, 1990, which saw the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) securing victories across all municipalities. His account of these events offers an unfiltered perspective on the social and political upheaval of the time, captured with a rare blend of honesty and professional courage.
The Conflict between the Wali and the FIS-Elected Officials in Jijel
Bachir Frik was taken by surprise when he was appointed as the wali of Jijel, just as he was preparing to leave his role as district head to pursue a career in law. He was appointed to lead Jijel in the summer of 1990, shortly after the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) won a sweeping majority in local and regional council seats. The FIS’s landslide victory left an atmosphere of astonishment and apprehension. Following a brief “honeymoon” period, during which the FIS attempted to ingratiate themselves with the wali, tensions soon erupted into open conflict. The FIS officials grew increasingly defiant, challenging several of the republic’s laws.
Frik elaborates on the numerous confrontations that ensued as FIS officials sought to diminish his authority, attempting to strip him of his legal powers. Frik, however, resolutely upheld the state’s authority. Reflecting on the situation, he states: “It’s not easy to describe all the incidents and conditions in which we faced FIS officials, both in the municipalities and in the provincial council. We found ourselves up against a quasi-administrative insurrection against the laws and systems of the republic—even against long-established customs and traditions within local and regional councils.”
As part of broader political efforts to curb the influence of the Islamic Salvation Front, Frik was directed to support the Renaissance Party (Ennahda) and the Hamas Movement. He recalls: “Since arriving in Jijel, I would pray at the Mustafa al-Jum’a mosque behind Mr. Azzedine Djerrar, a leader in Ennahda, and provided support to the movement by granting them an office close to the governorate. He would visit me occasionally, and we shared common views, particularly in opposing the extremism promoted by the FIS. We received clear instructions to support Ennahda and Hamas over FIS.”
This association with Ennahda, however, led certain security agencies to accuse Frik of sympathizing with Islamists, a charge that nearly cost him his position. Frik reflects on this unfounded accusation: “Though I avoided dismissal, as I mentioned, this charge continued to shadow my career, while it led to the exclusion of many officials at various levels.”
The Wali as a Victim of Factional Conflicts
Wali Bachir Frik found himself caught in the crossfire of a power struggle between Defense Minister Khaled Nezzar and the government of Prime Minister Mouloud Hamrouche, particularly with Interior Minister Mohamed Salah Mohammedi. The tension was notably evident in the dispute over the future of a Greek construction company’s “Life Base” facilities, which had completed its projects in the region. While Frik was negotiating to repurpose the facility as student housing, the Ministry of Defense swiftly seized it without prior notice or consultation, even before the families of the Greek company’s executives could vacate. With the Ministry of the Interior delaying any intervention, Frik was forced to directly approach Defense Minister Nezzar, attempting to persuade him of the province’s urgent need for the facility as a temporary student residence. An arrangement was reached, whereby the National People’s Army would purchase the base, allowing the university to use it temporarily.
Frik reflects on the precarious situation: “The Secretary-General informed me again that the Interior Minister disapproved of my direct contact with the Defense Minister, blaming me if the army officially seized control of the Greek base. It was a matter of principle above all. Despite my insistence that this stubbornness was unnecessary—after all, we had secured free housing for the students and would not need the base once the academic year ended, given plans to build a large university campus in Jijel—my appeals were futile, and I found myself in a very difficult position!”
He further recounts: “This occurred in early March 1991. Fortunately, the turmoil that eventually toppled Hamrouche’s government and the Interior Minister eased my task, as I was then able to invite the leadership of the Fifth Military Region to finalize the Army’s acquisition of the Greek base.”
Governors of the Republic in the Presence of President Mohamed Boudiaf
On March 15, 1992, President Mohamed Boudiaf hosted the governors of the republic, marking a pivotal moment in the career of Wali Bachir Frik. Upon arrival, Boudiaf warmly greeted each of the governors individually, addressing them by name and province. He then took to the podium, where his speech emphasized the crucial role of the wali as a bridge between the state and the people. The President called on them to maintain integrity in their work and urged them to support the establishment of a new political party, which he was in the process of founding as a replacement for the National Liberation Front (FLN). In his view, the FLN had fulfilled its mission of liberating the country, and it was now time to pass the torch to a new generation. He implored the governors to work towards raising awareness among the youth, encouraging them to join this future-oriented project.
However, one particularly enigmatic point that the author does not elaborate on is the urgent telegram received by the eastern governors the day before President Boudiaf’s planned visit to Annaba on June 28, 1992. The telegram ordered them not to attend the meeting scheduled for the following day, June 29. This directive raises many questions and possibilities. The author notes: “The governors of eastern Algeria were supposed to attend the gathering at the Cultural Center in Annaba. However, the night before the President’s visit, around 9 p.m., the governors were shocked to receive an urgent, encrypted telegram from Interior Minister Larbi Belkheir, instructing them not to go to Annaba. And as events unfolded… may Almighty Allah have mercy on the late Si Tayeb, the patriot.”
The Mafia Conspiracies in Oran
Bachir Frik was transferred from Jijel to Oran in July 1994, where he served for three years until 1997. While the security situation in Oran was notably better than in Jijel, where he had faced immense challenges, Frik observed a different set of difficulties in the western city. He explained, “While the period I spent managing the Jijel province was difficult and eventful, it was less dangerous and less challenging than Oran. What distinguishes Jijel is its lack of a local mafia with vested interests trying to dominate and trample both the permissible and the prohibited. In contrast, Oran harbors pressure groups that evolve into true mafias whenever the right conditions are present, often with the complicity of official powers within the state’s sovereign institutions” (p.138).
These mafia-like pressure groups were central to the events that led to Frik’s seven-year imprisonment, a topic he dedicated an entire book, Why I Was Imprisoned, to discussing in detail. Despite these obstacles, Frik made significant strides in local development during his time in Oran.
Witness to Election Rigging
In a section of his memoirs, Frik candidly addressed the scandal of election fraud, shedding light on the manipulation of votes. He referred to this scandal as “a massacre targeting the fledgling democracy of our country” (p.322). By documenting this “disastrous scandal”—which he was coerced into overseeing as a governor—Frik revealed a moment of moral clarity. His decision to expose these irregularities will be regarded as an act of courage in the future, as he took responsibility for educating the public about what transpired once his duty of confidentiality was lifted.
Under a section titled Establishing a Culture of Electoral Fraud, Frik recounted his involvement in various electoral processes from 1990 to 1999, emphasizing the crucial role that governors played in organizing these events. He stated, “We witnessed numerous electoral processes from 1990 to 1997 and 1999, in which we were the local authorities responsible for organizing them. We have provided our testimony truthfully about each electoral occasion, based on lived reality, as governors were the key practical agents in these processes. We discussed what we called the election farces, with blatant vote-rigging and the outright confiscation of the people’s will during the 1997 legislative and municipal elections” (p.321).
End of the Journey in Annaba
In July 1997, Governor Bachir Frik was transferred to Annaba after a dispute with the commander of the Second Military Region. Before heading to his new post, Frik visited the presidency, where he was received by Mohamed Benchine, an advisor to President Liamine Zeroual. During this meeting, Frik was given instructions regarding the upcoming local elections, specifically to direct the elections in favor of the newly formed party (the National Democratic Rally, or RND), at the expense of the popular local movement, the Nahda (Renaissance) Movement, which had garnered the trust of the people.
Frik reflected on his experience in Annaba, particularly his strained relationship with General Ahmed Gaïd Salah. He insisted on applying the law, which created tension, while the general, in contrast, was given a grand reception whenever he visited Annaba (p.270).
Only two months after President Abdelaziz Bouteflika assumed office, Frik’s opponents in Oran managed to deceive the president, leading him into a trap set by their conspiracy. Despite the unfounded accusations against him, no thorough investigation was conducted. The turning point came when the president personally called Frik.
The phone conversation, as Frik recounts, went as follows: “You took a villa belonging to the Oran province and registered it in your name, why?” Frik, taken aback by the sharp question, calmly responded, “This is not true, Mr. President. I have been occupying a four-room villa on loan, with the approval of the governor, and the Interior Minister is aware of it. I have children preparing for their baccalaureate exams, and I committed to vacating the villa by the end of August.” The president, in a harsh tone, cut him off: “You must return the keys, immediately, immediately, immediately,” repeating it three times in French, adding that an investigation had been opened concerning him in both Oran and Annaba. “Whatever the outcome, consider your career over,” he declared, before abruptly ending the call (p.294).
These excerpts are drawn from the book, as reported in the interview and by *Echorouk*. We recommend reading the book for a more comprehensive understanding.
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