Morocco: Dissident Officer Abdelilah Issou Exposes Collusion, Threats, and the Hidden Face of the Enchanted Kingdom in Exclusive Interview with Independiente
BY: Hana Saada
ALGIERS, ALGERIA- Abdelilah Issou, a dissident Moroccan officer, highlighted the Moroccan army’s inability to surpass the Algerian military, despite its acquisition of weaponry from the Zionist entity. Issou, who served for over a decade in the Moroccan occupation army in Western Sahara before fleeing to Spain, recently shared his insights in an interview with the Spanish newspaper Independiente. His revelations, chronicled in his new French book titled “Mémoires d’un soldat marocain: La Face cachée du royaume enchanteur” (Memoirs of a Moroccan Soldier: The Hidden Side of the Enchanted Kingdom), shed light on the corruption among Moroccan army generals, their collaboration with drug and human traffickers, as well as evidence concerning Mohammed VI’s personal life.
Issou’s outspokenness has made him a target, and he recounted “receiving threats during a recent trip to Algeria, where he was warned that his actions could have consequences worse than what befell Jamal Khashoggi, who was dismembered in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in 2018.”
Having left Morocco in 2002 after cooperating with the Spanish National Intelligence Centre, Issou is now regarded as a prominent observer of his homeland. He points out that there is currently no significant opposition within Morocco, not even within the military, capable of challenging the authority of the king and the regime. He has also survived multiple attempts on his life while residing in Spain, including a kidnapping attempt in Madrid in 2010 and a recent near-fatal car accident that he narrowly escaped, which he attributes to Morocco’s extensive network of spies operating in Spain. Morocco’s recent earthquake tragedy has underscored the stark disparities between urban and rural areas, where access to essentials such as education, clean water, and healthcare remains a luxury for many.
Morocco’s Alliance with the Zionist Entity: An Economic Burden with Limited Military Gains
In his critique of corruption and the state of readiness and morale within the Moroccan army, Issou stressed that while the Moroccan military has seen improvements in terms of weaponry and equipment, the core issue lies beyond material resources. He pointed out that this challenge has persisted since the coup attempts in 1971 and 1972. What’s more concerning is the erosion of the military institution’s dignity and the severe morale crisis afflicting the Moroccan army. It appears that Moroccan soldiers lack the motivation and commitment to engage in combat. They seem to be stationed in the Sahara lands primarily for earning a paycheck, sustenance, and covering their family’s expenses, with little inclination for anything else. When confronted with major battles against the Polisario Front in Western Sahara, Moroccan soldiers abandon their weapons and flee, with the officers leading the exodus.
The former Moroccan army officer went on to describe the current military landscape as characterized by attrition rather than large-scale battles. While in the past, the Polisario Front controlled the airspace without deploying aircraft, relying on anti-aircraft systems that successfully downed many Moroccan fighter jets, the balance has recently shifted in Morocco’s favor, thanks in part to the utilization of drones.
Morocco’s Acquisition of Weapons from Zionist Entity Fails to Close the Power Gap with Algeria: Disparities in Living Conditions and Military Support Highlight Stark Differences
Regarding Morocco’s alignment with the Zionist entity, the speaker rejected the notion that this alliance has significantly altered the military equation. Instead, he emphasized that Morocco’s cooperation with the Zionist entity primarily benefits the Zionist economy, as the weapons purchased from the Zionist entity come at a high cost. This, in turn, enriches the entity while adding to Morocco’s already substantial foreign debt burden. Despite acquiring weapons from the Zionist entity, Morocco has yet to bridge the considerable power gap with Algeria. Notably, this disparity extends to the living conditions and support for military personnel. The Algerian army enjoys a superior quality of life, even surpassing that of the Spanish military, with well-provided members and comprehensive military resources at their disposal.
In this particular context, Issou highlighted that Morocco’s collaboration with Tel Aviv is not a recent development, although it remained relatively concealed from ordinary Moroccans. The catalyst for this collaboration can be traced back to the Western Sahara conflict, which compelled Hassan II to seek assistance from the Zionist entity. Given his strong ties with the Zionist movement, the Zionist entity dispatched military advisors and recommended constructing a defensive barrier akin to the one established in Palestine. This strategic move ultimately proved pivotal in safeguarding Morocco’s interests in the Sahara region, especially in the face of challenges posed by the Polisario.
Regarding the question of whether the recent hostilities between Morocco and Algeria stemmed from the Algerian Coast Guard’s actions against Moroccan citizens in late August, the interviewer from “Independiente” refuted this notion. Instead, he clarified, “During the summer of 2021, a Moroccan drone initiated an attack on a group of civilian truck drivers from Algeria on route to Mauritania. It’s worth noting that the Moroccan military, along with security forces stationed along the coast, as well as the Royal Navy and naval gendarmerie, had been given explicit directives to employ live ammunition against smuggling boats and illegal immigrant vessels.”
Issou further elaborated, revealing, “I served in one of these units in Tangiers back in 1995, where we received orders to engage with such vessels. Initially, a warning shot would be fired to signal the occupants to halt, but if they disregarded this warning, the orders were to open fire.” He recounted an incident where they fired at an illegal immigrant boat one moonless night, saying, “We never ascertained what transpired because of the darkness, but the boat ultimately departed. The Moroccan military essentially entrusts its units with the authority to use force against civilians. Yet, when Algeria employs similar tactics, it generates outcry and discussions about human rights. This double standard is quite evident.”
The cooperation between authorities and drug traffickers in Morocco will persist as long as drug trafficking continues in the country.
With respect to the ongoing ambiguous relationship between high-ranking officers in the Royal Army and drug barons in Morocco, the dissident officer emphasized that as long as drug smuggling remains prevalent in Morocco, the situation will remain unchanged. He explained, “For drug shipments to proceed, the traffickers must not only compensate the army and coastal units but also provide payments to the navy and maritime gendarmerie. It’s a collaborative system where everyone involved benefits. Established traders already have connections with the authorities, and both the General Directorate of Security and the Ministry of the Interior are involved. Smaller traders are content with paying off those stationed within the military to ensure safe passage. Those who attempt to evade payments and outsmart the navy or gendarmerie risk severe consequences, as they don’t take such matters lightly; you must comply.”
Responding to inquiries about whether Morocco holds the title of the largest hashish producer, Issou clarified that it’s not the sole producer. Since the 1990s, cocaine has entered Morocco through Western Sahara and West Africa from South America, primarily Colombia. He mentioned that General Abdelaziz Bennani, who was in charge of the southern region at the time, had brokered a deal with Colombian drug traffickers. They started smuggling cocaine through Western Sahara, using civilian vehicles and a soft drinks factory in Tangiers, which Bennani owned, as staging points. Trucks transported the drugs to Tangiers, where they were unloaded at the factory, and soft drinks were loaded for the return journey south. Despite over two decades passing since his departure from the army, the former officer is convinced that drug smuggling in Morocco has grown substantially since his time.
As for the complicity of Moroccan security services and their lax immigration control and mafia ties, the Spanish newspaper interviewer pointed out that “they manipulate the situation as leverage against Spain. When Spain and the European Union provide concessions, they tighten control and prevent boats from departing.” This has led illegal immigrants to choose Libya or even Western Sahara as departure points for their journey to Europe, even though these routes are significantly longer.
Western Sahara has never been a part of Morocco, as affirmed by Issou
He stated that Moroccan soldiers stationed in the region cannot ignore the reality when they are deployed to places like Laayoune, Smara, and Dakhla. The treatment of Sahrawis and recent events, such as the deployment of the United Nations Special Envoy’s army to suppress the population, raise questions. Observing the enduring struggle of the Sahrawis in the face of adversity, including beatings, torture, arrests, and killings, leads one to conclude that they are fighting for a just cause.
The former Moroccan officer expressed his opposition to the partitioning of any country, except in the case of a prepared entity like Spain. He emphasized that the Western Sahara situation is distinct because historically, the Sahara has never been part of Morocco; it remains a disputed territory, with the United Nations still overseeing the matter. The proposed referendum, which Morocco opposes due to the expectation of an unfavorable outcome, remains unresolved. The ultimate beneficiaries, in this situation, are not the average Moroccans but rather the king and his associates, with some friendly countries receiving a share of the profits from phosphate and sea resources.
Issou also shed light on the extensive Moroccan military expenditures related to the conflict in Western Sahara, describing it as a substantial sum. He further pointed out that a portion of these funds is diverted to leaders, particularly for the acquisition of weaponry, with commissions allocated to certain generals or groups of soldiers.
What is the future trajectory of Morocco?
Regarding the direction in which the Kingdom is heading, the speaker expressed concerns of turmoil, describing it as a nation without clear leadership. It remains uncertain who holds the reins of power – is it Paris, as some suggest, or individuals like Andre Azoulay with possible backing from the Zionist entity, or perhaps the financial elite? It might even be a combination of all these factors. The king himself seems detached, preoccupied with his own pleasures and personal well-being, frequently absent from the country, leaving it without a clear leader.
When it comes to the Spanish government’s evolving stance on the Western Sahara conflict and its implications for Morocco’ stability, Issou remarked, “The Spanish intelligence services have significantly weakened over time. The approach towards Morocco that existed back in 2002 when I arrived here during José María Aznar’s tenure as prime minister is no longer the same. It’s been 21 years, and the current government… I’ve noticed how Sanchez, after the elections, heads to Morocco for vacation. What does this signify? Either there is a high level of control over the situation, or Mr. Sanchez has an unusual interest in Morocco, potentially linked to some mineral exploration project or other undisclosed motives.”
Espionage Unveiled: Moroccan Intelligence’s Extensive Spy Network Operating in Spain
Moroccan intelligence possesses a network of spies within Spain. When asked about Spain’s perceived vulnerability to its neighbor, the dissident officer expressed concern. He cautioned that if Spain continues along its current path, Morocco may not only lay claim to Ceuta and Melilla but also make territorial demands on Andalusia, citing historical ties dating back to 1492. Should Spain’s decline persist, Morocco is likely to intensify its pressure. The officer cited various provocative actions, from displaying the Spanish flag upside down during a banquet with Mohammed VI to including Ceuta and Melilla on the Moroccan embassy’s Madrid website.
Furthermore, the officer asserted that Moroccan intelligence employs individuals of Moroccan origin holding dual citizenship, who are active in both Moroccan and Spanish political parties. He questioned their loyalty, insinuating that their allegiance lies with Morocco and that they engage in espionage for Morocco, with little opposition from the Spanish intelligence agency.
The officer acknowledged his cautious approach to the Moroccan community in Spain due to the prevalent espionage activities. He revealed that various sectors, including Moroccan-run barbershops, halal butcher shops, cultural associations, and mosques, are under surveillance, leading to skepticism and vigilance within the community.
In the broader context of Spain’s relationship with Morocco, the officer emphasized the need for a more dignified stance. Despite not being Spanish himself, he expressed occasional shame for the direction Spain was taking. He reminded that Spain boasts a rich history of conquest, once wielding global influence, and called for a return to a more dignified posture on the international stage.
Regarding the future of Mohammed VI’s reign, the officer, who sought refuge in Spain, predicted a grim outcome, suggesting that his fate might be worse than his father’s, Hassan II, whose death was marked by controversy. He also hinted at a violent end for the Azaiter brothers, close associates of the king.
