The Crumbling Alliance: Hashish Kingdom’s Ally Faces a Troubling Decline
ALGIERS– A few days following the coup in Niger, another coup unfolds in Gabon, prompting numerous inquiries about the ongoing developments in Africa and their underlying causes. From a democratic perspective, these military coups appear to constitute a surge aimed at wresting power away from civilian authorities. However, the coup plotters argue their actions are justified due to the challenges of peaceful power transfer, a lack of access to leadership through elections, prolonged rule by incumbent leaders, their firm grip on state institutions, and complicated international relations that harm national interests. These coup leaders argue that the military serves as the safeguard of sovereignty and the continuity of the state, deserving recognition.
Alternatively, adopting a rational interpretation based on regional and international dynamics, the coups in Africa seem to serve as a means to break free from economic dependence and foreign military presence. This approach has garnered popular support, with some people celebrating coups in the same way they celebrated independence during the wave of national liberation in the 1960s.
Amidst these perspectives, regional positions diverge, with some supporting coup actions as they had in the past, while others fear the spread of this wave to their own territories. Internationally, some nations exercise caution and restraint, such as China and Russia, while others employ various threats and pressures due to their deep-rooted ties to the region. France and the European Union, in particular, represent this latter group, framing constitutional and democratic issues as a pretext for maintaining subservience, with coup justifications seen as necessary to align with the aspirations of peoples seeking freedom.
Since gaining independence in 1960, Gabon has seen only three presidents. After Leon M’ba’s rule until 1967, marked by a short-lived coup by his rival John Hilaire Obam in 1964, French forces intervened, restoring M’ba and introducing Omar Bongo as his office manager. This pivotal moment realigned Gabon with French interests, with the Bongo family presiding over the nation from 1967 until the summer of 2023. During their extended tenure, they safeguarded French interests in Gabon and the Central African region, with France ensuring the family’s financial assets in Europe.
Over the years, Bongo forged complex relationships, initially aligning with King Faisal, who persuaded him to convert to Islam and adopt an Arab stance during the 1973 oil crisis. However, Bongo later became entangled with regional lobbies that exploited Gabon’s internal resources. His friendship with the Moroccan royal family led to his involvement in illicit trades of precious metals, drug trafficking, and money laundering through the Moroccan Commercial Bank branch, known in Gabon as the Gabonese Union of Banks. Additionally, the Bongo family invested in telecommunications through Maroc Telecom.
The Bongo family’s rule in Gabon was characterized by a sense of royal entitlement, giving rise to the perception that access to Gabon was only possible through the Bongo Gate or their royal associates like Mohammed VI and his Arab network, including the Emirates and Bahrain. This alliance used Gabon as a battleground in a fierce campaign against Algeria, largely in favor of the Zionist entity, within the African Union’s corridors. Diplomatic discourse shifted from being about nation-to-nation relations to family dynamics as the King’s Protectorate utilized Moroccan state agencies as a front to further its interests and exert influence. This included facilitating King Mohammed VI’s presence in Gabon with family investments and a private retreat where prohibited items from Latin America were readily available.
International media have been abuzz with a vehement campaign against the head of the coup council, Gen. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema. Accusations abound, ranging from amassing vast wealth through drug trafficking to overseeing the financial interests of the Bongo family. The primary aim of this campaign is to tarnish the legitimacy of the military coup, setting the stage for a Franco-Moroccan plan aimed at restoring their strategic ally to power or protecting him from the coup plotters, mirroring the events surrounding his father, Omar Bongo, during the 1964 coup. Economic interests in Gabon are intertwined between France and Morocco, exemplified by the Commercial Bank’ shares, which are reminiscent of the former Bank of Lyon. Morocco’s financial investments in Gabon did not proceed without the blessing of the French Central Bank, which is responsible for managing financial matters concerning the Central African countries under the African franc currency.
In the midst of an international campaign advocating for democracy led by France and a lobbying campaign spearheaded by Morocco, Gabon’s fate teeters precariously. However, the will of the Gabonese people is expected to ultimately prevail because the coup plotters lack legitimacy unless they deviate from the path set by Bongo. Otherwise, they may meet the same fate as their predecessor.
The objective of this equation is to undermine the role of the people and reach political settlements that safeguard the interests of lobbying groups, potentially leading to a division of power. Encouragingly, there is hope in the people’s resistance to such deals, akin to the success achieved by Rwanda in shedding the influence of lobbies and enhancing its economy and living standards. Rwanda now serves as a model in the Central African region outside the Francophone sphere and the Central African state, despite facing ongoing political crises and shouldering the repercussions of expelling French forces.
Gabonese society eagerly awaits the response of the Economic Community of Central African States (CEEAC) to the coup. Unlike ECOWAS, it is unlikely that CEEAC will demand military intervention. CEEAC’s headquarters in Libreville, Gabon, plays a pivotal role in the integration experiment, which was initially a colonial regional construct that evolved post-independence. Additionally, CEMAC, a regional grouping that accommodates non-Francophone countries, is linked to the African Union and represents the Central African region. Should pressure emerge from France, it will primarily come through CEEAC, which is improbable due to Gabon’s central role in the group. If the African Union becomes involved, it will likely be through CEMAC, where countries opposing foreign military and political interventions, particularly Rwanda and Central Africa, may intervene. Notably, the recent protests in Congo-Kinshasa against the presence of UN forces signal a broader wave of popular opposition to foreign influence across the Central African region.
However, there exists a hypothesis that could be realized, suggesting that the Kingdom of Morocco put forth a proposal for a settlement initiative that competed with the Algerian initiative in Niger. In this proposed initiative, local actors would be engaged, and receivables would be acquired to safeguard Moroccan investments and interests. This plan also aimed to rescue Ali Bongo and transfer his assets to Marrakesh. If this hypothesis holds true, it would shed light on the Transitional Council’s orientations and its sincerity in wanting to combat corruption and establish a political system that prioritizes the well-being of the Gabonese people.
In such a scenario, the African Union, an organization committed to advancing Africa’s renaissance and development while ensuring stability in its member countries, would play a crucial role. The African Union has overseen the establishment of security and peace councils in various sub-regions and strived to create a capable force to address military challenges. However, these initiatives have failed to rectify the complex and interconnected issues plaguing Africa, with the primary factor being the pervasive foreign presence in its countries. The number of foreign military bases exceeds that of major factories and foreign companies, many of which engage in extractive practices that deplete the continent’s resources and wreak havoc.
Despite the efforts of certain regional factions within the African Union to form a development bloc that would advocate for the continent’s interests in international forums and engage in fair negotiations with international institutions and companies, powerful interest groups have infiltrated these collaborative efforts. These groups have used both individuals and countries to sabotage any genuine attempts, often fueling internal and regional conflicts to further their own agendas.
This strategy of sowing discord has been persistent, exemplified by the division of Sudan into two states and subsequent attempts to further divide it by instigating conflicts involving the Darfur region and the Greater Sahara. Terrorist groups have become a constant presence in areas where regions have sought to challenge foreign influences. Whenever a region has shown resistance to countries like France, the sudden emergence of a “jihadi” group targeting the state has been announced, allowing France to justify its continued military presence.
The solution lies in confronting the African reality head-on, with the African Union not hesitating to engage in regular operations and officially wage war in any part of the continent to liberate it and protect the dignity of its people. This is precisely the role Algeria has embraced as a regional force for development and stability. Algeria’s introduction of a settlement initiative is a groundbreaking precedent for resolving conflicts. The political solution it employed in handling its 2019 crisis, coupled with its commitment to preserving the lives of its citizens, has earned it international credibility as a model for managing internal political conflicts without external, Western, or international interference, regardless of the conflict’s nature or role.
Algeria’s contributions to various experiments in countries like Tunisia, Libya, and Mali have positioned it as a leader, endowed with qualifications that should be leveraged. Importantly, these efforts align with Algeria’s foreign policy principles, rooted in non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations.
The Algerian stance on the Niger issue is rooted in rationality. They acknowledge the coup as an established fact that requires addressing. Their approach involves rejecting military intervention, whether from Western or regional forces like ECOWAS. Instead, they advocate for internal dialogue within a transitional council, with a limited duration of no more than six months. They also emphasize the importance of regional cooperation among neighboring countries to prevent further destabilization.
Regarding foreign military presence, specifically the American and French military bases, Algeria believes that the decision should rest with the Transitional Council and subsequently the elected authorities within their own national borders. They view France’s attempt to deny Algeria’s request to open its airspace as a ploy to secure implicit consent for intervention, emphasizing that the responsibility lies with the neighbor if they allow foreign intervention.
Algeria, as a nation, is inclined towards peaceful solutions and presenting alternatives. They assert that if the Gabonese issue is brought before the African Union, Algeria will contribute its perspective despite past hostilities from Ali Bongo towards them. Algeria recognizes that Gabon is more than just Bongo and that the Gabonese people understand the alliances Bongo was forging, even if he enjoyed significant electoral popularity.
Algeria points out the history of post-colonial African states, marked by the sacrifice of citizens striving for their countries’ renaissance and economic independence, akin to their ancestors who fought for their homeland’s liberation. Gabon, despite being an oil-producing nation, still grapples with economic ties to the French Central Bank, resulting in a third of its population living in extreme poverty due to French policies.
In conclusion, Algeria emphasizes the importance of African solutions and economic integration to restore historical economic relationships across the continent, echoing the significance of the Salt Road and the Gold Road in addition to the Silk Road, and drawing inspiration from China’s efforts to revitalize its own trade routes for the betterment of future generations.
Written by: Head of the Department of Political Science- University of Tizi Ouzou: Mehdi Fettak
Translated by: Hana Saada
