Zionist Entity’s Increased Drone Sales to Morocco Ignite Controversy Amidst Western Sahara Conflict, According to Report
BY: Hana Saada
ALGIERS- The conflict in Western Sahara for the independence of the indigenous Sahrawi people, has taken a concerning turn with the increasing use of drones. Morocco’s recognition of the Zionist entity under the Abraham Accords has paved the way for the acquisition of advanced drone technology, allowing for greater surveillance and attacks on Sahrawi territory.
The Asymmetrical Warfare
The Polisario Front, lacking advanced military equipment, relies on guerrilla tactics and basic weaponry, including mortars and repurposed vehicles, to combat Moroccan forces. In contrast, Morocco has obtained drones from the Zionist entity, Turkey, and China, significantly tilting the balance of power in its favor. These drones provide Morocco with the ability to carry out precise and devastating attacks deep within Sahrawi territory, exacerbating an already unequal conflict.
The Influence of the Abraham Accords
In December 2020, the United States, under the Trump administration, recognized Morocco’s alleged sovereignty over Western Sahara, a move that contradicted the United Nations’ position. In return, Morocco joined the Abraham Accords, normalizing relations with the Zionist entity. This diplomatic agreement opened the door for the Zionists to sell at least 150 drones to Morocco, solidifying their alliance and significantly enhancing Morocco’s military capabilities in the region.
The Impact on Sahrawi People
With the proliferation of drones, Sahrawi civilians and militants alike face increasing risks and hardships. Sahrawi territories, particularly those occupied by Morocco, are subject to constant surveillance, harassment, detention, and even torture for those advocating for independence. The use of drones, particularly those equipped with advanced surveillance technology, further restricts the movement and autonomy of the Sahrawi people, leading to comparisons with the plight of the Palestinians.
The Resource Factor
Morocco’s control over an estimated 80 percent of Western Sahara includes valuable resources such as phosphate. To secure this territory, Morocco constructed a 2,700 km sand wall, known as the berm, effectively dividing the land and suppressing the aspirations of the Sahrawi people. The acquisition of advanced drone technology enables Morocco to tighten its grip on Western Sahara, maintaining control over the resources and further marginalizing the Sahrawi population.
International Response and the Role of the Zionist Entity
While the international community largely neglects the plight of the Sahrawi people, Morocco’s collaboration with the Zionist entity and other drone suppliers remains a cause for concern. The Zionist entity’s provision of advanced surveillance drones reinforces the oppressive tactics employed by Morocco and prolongs the suffering of the Sahrawi people.
Heron Drones
The presence and utilization of Zionist drones in Western Sahara by Morocco continue to raise concerns and generate speculation. While the initial sale of three Heron drones from the Zionist entity to Morocco took place in 2014, their deployment in Western Sahara has received less public attention. However, recently surfaced photos and satellite images provide evidence of the Zionist Heron drones at Dakhla airport in the Moroccan-controlled region. Commercial satellite images from October 2021 show what appears to be a Heron drone outside a hangar at the airport. These findings further support the notion that Moroccan forces have been utilizing the Zionist drone technology in the disputed territory.
Following the signing of the Abraham Accords and the subsequent strengthening of ties between the Zionist entity and Morocco, the military cooperation between the two countries escalated. In November 2021, the defense memorandum of understanding was signed, and a $22 million sale of exploding Harop drones to Morocco was reported. In September 2022, Morocco went on to acquire an additional 150 Zionist drones, expanding its drone arsenal significantly. The Moroccan inventory of drones includes a variety of models, such as the BlueBird Aero Systems’ WanderB and ThunderB drones, Israel Aerospace Industries’ Heron TPs and Harop loitering munitions (originally decommissioned by France), and Elbit Systems’ Hermes 900s. In addition, Morocco possesses Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones and Chinese Wing Loong drones, both of which have combat capabilities.
The exact role and function of the Zionist drones in Western Sahara remain uncertain. While some sources suggest that these drones are primarily used for surveillance and target recognition, others claim that they are also engaged in direct attacks. A senior military official within the Polisario, Sidi Owgal, stated that the Zionist drones serve both purposes. Another Polisario commander, Abwa Ali, who leads attacks against Moroccan bases, mentioned having seen missile fragments with Hebrew lettering, indicating the use of Zionist drone strikes. The Heron TP and Hermes 900 models have the capacity for both surveillance and attacks, while the Harop is designed exclusively for strikes, referred to as “loitering munitions.” Such drones are typically employed against high-value targets due to their destructive impact upon impact.
Apart from the Zionist drones, Morocco has acquired drones from other countries that are explicitly intended for launching missiles. Notably, Morocco purchased 13 Bayraktar TB2 attack drones from Turkey in 2021. The Intercept examined missile fragments in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria, which provided evidence of TB2 drones being used to attack targets in Western Sahara. Some of the missile scraps were labeled “MAM-L,” referring to a laser-guided bomb produced by the Turkish defense ministry contractor Roketsan, commonly launched from the Bayraktar TB2.
Zionist Advisers’ Presence on the Ground in Morocco
It is believed that Zionist advisers are present on the ground in Morocco, particularly in the vicinity of the berm, providing guidance to the Royal Moroccan Armed Forces on the use of drone technology. Sidi Owgal and the foreign affairs minister of the Polisario, Sidati, have made declarations about the presence of Zionist advisers. Experts, such as Federico Borsari, believe it is highly likely that the Zionist entity dispatched advisers to Morocco to train its armed forces in drone operations. Moreover, Moroccan media reports indicate plans for collaboration with the Zionist entity in the production of “kamikaze” drones, while the Zionist company Elbit Systems has announced the establishment of two defense system factories in Morocco.
The Zionist Ministry of Defense and the Zionist Defense Forces have chosen not to provide any comments or responses regarding the statements made against them.
According to Gaici Nah, the operations manager of Sahrawi Mine Action Coordination, which is affiliated with Polisario, a significant number of civilians, estimated to be between 80 and 100, have been killed or injured since the ceasefire ended in 2020. However, Nah did not specify the exact number of deaths and injuries. Nah says he has gathered evidence of over 60 drone strikes by combining witness testimonies, news reports, and military statements from Polisario. The Intercept was unable to obtain comments from Polisario officials regarding the number of military casualties. Moreover, it is not only Sahrawi citizens who have been targeted.
In November 2021, Algeria accused Morocco of using advanced weaponry to attack three Algerian truck drivers passing through the Polisario-controlled Western Sahara. In 2022, there were reports of two Mauritanian citizens being killed in Moroccan drone strikes. Sidati, another source, also referred to numerous civilian casualties and referred to Morocco’s actions as a “scorched-earth policy.”
The U.N. Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), which was established during the ceasefire to monitor the conflict and facilitate an independence referendum (which never took place), released its most recent report in October 2022. The report confirmed casualties from one drone strike and identified traces of human remains at four other sites. MINURSO documented 18 drone strikes and verified eight instances of aerial strikes. However, due to limited access on the ground, the U.N. officials admitted that their patrols could not account for all incidents. Yusef Jedian, the head of MINURSO’s Liaison Office in Tindouf, explained that military operations and restrictions in the eastern part of the berm hinder their ability to investigate fully.
During The Intercept’s investigation in the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria, they interviewed a witness who recounted an attack on civilians. Abd Jaleel, a farmer of goats and camels, fled his home in November 2021 due to the escalating conflict with Morocco in Polisario-controlled Western Sahara. While near the Mauritanian border, he witnessed the strike that killed his neighbor, Salih Mohamed Lamis, a 29-year-old goat trader. Lamis, who was driving a Land Rover carrying water supplies approximately 6 km ahead of Jaleel, fell victim to the strike. The explosion initially seemed indistinct to Jaleel, but later, Lamis’s badly disfigured face, burnt body, and Jaleel’s hand sticking to his skin as he tried to move him confirmed that it was a drone attack. Since the incident, Jaleel has lived in constant fear of hearing the sound of drones again, always anxious whenever he is outside, knowing he could be targeted at any moment. “You can’t hide from the sky,” he lamented.
In a communication to MINURSO, Morocco denied targeting civilians in Western Sahara, while also asserting that there should be no civilians residing in the area. The permanent representative of Morocco to the United Nations wrote in November 2021, “There is no reason to justify the presence of civilians, Algerian nationals, or of other nationalities, in this area.” Morocco rarely acknowledges the war publicly. During The Intercept’s visit to the Sahrawi camps in late May, news of a fresh drone strike against Polisario soldiers, resulting in six reported deaths, spread among the residents.
“Morocco’s claim of not being involved in a war has been challenged by a U.N. official, who, due to the sensitivity of the matter, preferred to remain anonymous when speaking to The Intercept. The official questioned Morocco’s stance, pointing to the presence of drones conducting attacks on the other side of the berm. The contradiction raises doubts about Morocco’s assertion of peace, as it seems their actions do not align with their claims.”
Camp David Host
The relationship between Morocco and the Zionist Entity has historically been quite friendly compared to other Arab countries. Moroccan cities have been home to Jewish communities, and the bond between the two nations remained strong even after most Moroccan Jews immigrated to the entity. Morocco played a role in hosting secret talks between the Zionist Entity and Egypt that led to the Camp David Accords in 1978. While diplomatic relations between the Zionist Entity and Morocco were established in 1994, they faced setbacks during the Second Intifada. However, informal relations continued, and in 2021, the Zionist Entity reopened its representation office in Rabat.
The signing of the Abraham Accords provided an opportunity for Morocco and the Zionist Entity to strengthen their ties further. Since 2020, the two countries have engaged in numerous economic and military agreements that go beyond the sale of drones. Zionist troops participated in joint military exercises in Morocco, and high-level visits resulted in several military deals, including the delivery of missile defense systems to Rabat. Intelligence cooperation between the two nations has also been reported, with Morocco using Zionist-developed spyware.
A notable development was the participation of Zionist troops from the elite Golani unit in the Africa Lion joint military drill held in Morocco, marking the first time such collaboration occurred. Furthermore, in 2021 and 2022, the then-Minister of Defense Gantz and the former Head of the Zionist Defense Forces Aviv Kochavi visited Morocco, signing multiple military deals. One significant contract worth $500 million involved the delivery of the Barak MX missile defense system to Rabat, which was reportedly scheduled to arrive in mid-2023 according to a leaked Pentagon Discord message. Additionally, there are advanced negotiations for Morocco to receive Zionist Merkava tanks. Both countries also engage in intelligence cooperation, with reports suggesting that Morocco has been a prominent user of the Israeli NSO Group’s Pegasus spyware, leading to accusations from other nations.
Economically, trade between the Zionist Entity and Morocco has been growing significantly, with exports from the entity to Morocco increasing tenfold. Based on U.N. data examined by The Intercept, trade between the entity and Morocco was valued at $70.7 million prior to 2019. By 2022, this amount had risen to $178.7 million, with Tel Aviv expressing its aim to reach $500 million. During the period from 2019 to 2022, Zionist exports to Morocco experienced a tenfold increase, growing from $3.8 million to $38.5 million. The relationship between the two parties is greatly influenced by Western Sahara. In 2021 and 2022, two Zionist firms, Ratio Petroleum and NewMed Energy, obtained rights from Morocco to explore and potentially exploit two separate offshore blocks in the Atlantic Ocean near the coast of Western Sahara. Furthermore, Moroccan local news announced that the Zionist Selina group would soon open a hotel in Dakhla. For Morocco, foreign investments in what it considers its “southern province” serve as external recognition of its territorial claims.
Zionist businesses, much like other foreign entities, do not appear to prioritize adherence to international law when making investments in Western Sahara. A legal opinion issued by the United Nations in 2002 declared the exploration and exploitation of mineral resources in Western Sahara, a “non-self governing territory,” illegal without the consent of its people. Subsequently, the European Union Court of Justice has issued three rulings that condemn trade activities in Western Sahara without the approval of the Sahrawi people, albeit in different forms. In late 2022, Western Sahara Resource Watch, an advocacy group that monitors resource exploitation in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara, raised concerns about the legitimacy of NewMed Energy’s involvement in the region. In response, NewMed Energy claimed that all their actions, past and present, adhere to international law, Zionist law, and the laws currently in effect. When pressed by WSRW to specify which country’s laws apply to Western Sahara, NewMed Energy ceased further communication.
In March of the previous year, WSRW documented the initial shipment of phosphate rock from Western Sahara to the Zionist entity. According to Erik Hagen, a board member of WSRW, the cargo was quite small, and it was the sole shipment they observed heading towards the entity. When approached for comment on the incident, OCP, the Moroccan company responsible for extracting and exporting phosphate rock in Morocco and Western Sahara, did not respond.
The drone attacks launched by Morocco do not appear to have diminished the determination of the Polisario in their protracted conflict; if anything, they are intensifying the situation. Emhamed, a survivor of a drone strike, had to seek treatment for injuries caused by shrapnel, but he has already returned to the camps to participate in a military parade commemorating the Polisario’s 50th anniversary. The memories of the people he lost in the strike continue to haunt him. Emhamed, a quiet man who constantly wears his military attire, appears perpetually fatigued. He stays awake late into the night and smokes L&M reds one after another. After marking lines in the sand outside his home to indicate where the strike scattered the bodies of his comrades, he took a drag from his cigarette. “One cannot truly comprehend the front lines unless they have witnessed it firsthand,” he stated. Despite the presence of drones, he intends to return to the front line and engage in attacks against the Moroccans on the opposing side of the berm.
While Morocco’s drone attacks in Western Sahara have not diminished the Polisario’s resistance, they have added to the conflict. Despite suffering injuries from a drone strike, survivors like Emhamed remain committed to their cause and plan to continue fighting on the front lines against the Moroccans. The toll of the conflict weighs heavily on them, and they are determined to seek justice for their fallen comrades.
Disclaimer: The report is based on The Intercept’s article:
ISRAEL RAMPS UP DRONE SALES TO MOROCCO FOR ITS COLONIAL WAR IN WESTERN SAHARA
Israel Ramps Up Drone Sales to Morocco for Its Colonial War in Western Sahara
